Never again is now. The genocide in Gaza has to end. Email the Dutch government: demand immediate action under international law. This campaign equips you with the tools — email addresses, formal letter, and legal backing — to demand immediate action in accord with international law.
The Netherlands isn’t just another partner — it’s Israel’s biggest financial backer in the EU
Every euro traded or invested ties the Netherlands deeper into Israel’s economy of genocide — our government simply cannot claim to stand neutral.
€ 49 Billion
Dutch investments in Israel
#1 EU Investor
Largest financial partner in the bloc
2/3 of EU flows
Channelled through the Netherlands
The Netherlands cannot look away
International law is clear. Officials are responsible for their choices — and for their silence and inaction. Together, citizens can hold them to account.
HOW IT WORKS?
3 simple steps
Below you'll find the email addresses of Dutch officials: PM, ministers, MPs, and advisors who have actual influence over decisions and policies. They can act — and may be held liable if they don’t.
The email text clearly explains the situation and calls for immediate action in accordance with international law. It includes references to legal backing, and links to the officials list showing their power and liability. Choose English or Dutch — both versions are available.
Before you hit send, make it personal: add your name, your city, and (if you wish) one or two lines about why you care. Personal touches increase impact.
You can also simply click the button below - in Step 3 - to open the email client (such as Outlook), with email addresses and subject line pre-filled. Just copy the email body, then personalise before sending.
Subject: Notice of legal obligations to prevent genocide and risks of liability for ongoing support to Israel
Notice of legal obligations to prevent genocide and risks of liability for ongoing support to Israel
Dear Ministers and Members of the House,
We write you as residents of the Netherlands to place you formally on notice of your legal obligations and corresponding liability risks arising from the orders of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in South Africa v. Israel (26 Jan, 28 Mar, 24 May 2024) and the Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024 on the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). These rulings establish (i) a real and imminent risk of irreparable harm to the rights protected by the Genocide Convention, and (ii) that Israel’s continued presence in the OPT is unlawful. This triggers all States’ binding duties of non-recognition and non-assistance of all states, including the Netherlands.
As office-holder or member of Parliament with defined powers under Dutch and EU law, you have the capacity to influence outcomes and therefore the duty to prevent. The Hague Court of Appeal (12 Feb 2024) has already ordered the Netherlands to halt the export of F-35 parts destined for Israel due to a clear risk of serious IHL violations. That judicial finding operationalises the assessment criteria of the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) and EU Common Position tests you are bound by in export and trade policy.*
On 4 August 2025, the Advisory Committee on Public International Law (CAVV)** issued Advisory Report No. 50 on the obligation of third States to prevent genocide. It affirms that every State party to the Genocide Convention bears an individual obligation to prevent genocide wherever a serious risk exists, and that a third State must act even where, by itself, it cannot fully prevent genocide—the standard turns on the means reasonably available and the State’s capacity to influence.
Accordingly, we demand that you immediately:
1. Impose and enforce a Dutch full arms and military embargo on Israel to the maximum extent permitted under national/EU law (including denial, suspension and revocation of licences; weapons, training and dual-use technology; proactive end-use controls; interdiction of diversions, and any form of military cooperation), consistent with the Sanctions Act 1977, ATT, and the ICJ orders.
2. Enforce direct financial sanctions (DNB/AFM, Customs) to freeze assets of implicated individuals, entities and bodies and prevent transit/transfer of funds or goods that pose a real risk of involvement in serious violations of international law, such as war crimes or genocide, and to prosecute violations. This includes enforcing corporate due diligence obligations under the UN Guiding Principles and Dutch law to prevent companies established here from sustaining violations.
3. Suspend Dutch public cooperation and funding (research, cultural and educational) with Israeli state bodies and any institutions that carry out activities in the OPT, pending verifiable compliance with international law. (Note: the Commission’s proposal (29 July 2025) to partially suspend Israel’s participation in Horizon Europe illustrates feasibility.)
4. Table and adopt parliamentary motions directing the caretaker cabinet to implement the above without delay and to report monthly to the House of Representatives on compliance with the ICJ orders.
Failure to act after notice risks engaging the state’s international responsibility (ARSIWA*** Art. 16) and — where authorisations or omissions amount to knowing facilitation — potential individual criminal liability for aiding and abetting under the International Crimes Act. There is no statute of limitations for genocide or war crimes: accountability can be pursued decades later, regardless of whether the perpetrators remain in office. Political immunity likewise offers no protection — Article 27 of the Rome Statute makes clear that even heads of state or government officials can be held personally criminally liable.
This is not a matter of political preference but of legal compliance. As the ICJ underscored in Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia, the duty to prevent is measured by your means and influence and does not depend on certainty of success. As the Nuremberg trials showed, “I was just following orders” is no defense.
We ask for a written response within 14 days detailing the measures you have taken and will take under your respective mandates, as listed in the Annex.
Respectfully,
[Your name]
[City], The Netherlands
————————
* The State is lodging an appeal in cassation to the Dutch Supreme Court against this judgment, the Supreme Court has yet to decide on it. But the order of the Hague Court of Appeal already underscores that the duty to prevent Dutch complicity is not theoretical but directly applicable.
** CAVV: Advisory committee on Public International Law that advises the Dutch government and parliament on issues of public international law
*** ARSIWA: Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts
Annex
• Key legal sources (ICJ rulings, CAVV advice, Hague Court of Appeal judgment, ARSIWA, ATT, EU Common Position, etc.): https://docs.google.com/document/d/1SI9fo2bl1IrMdBs1DZWo-2uaRym4FdudTYpc7hNHLME/edit?tab=t.0
• Officials addressed (names, positions, contact details): https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1uuY-bTVidvVO8Wz7vw8OR2YDKnqPtam9bGVJLfEQhfk/edit?gid=1805027419#gid=1805027419
Nederlands
Onderwerp: Kennisgeving van juridische verplichtingen inzake genocidepreventie en risico op aansprakelijkheid bij voortdurende steun aan Israël
Kennisgeving van juridische verplichtingen inzake genocidepreventie en risico op aansprakelijkheid bij voortdurende steun aan Israël
Geachte Ministers en Leden van de Tweede Kamer,
Wij, burgers van Nederland, schrijven u om u formeel te wijzen op uw juridische verplichtingen én de bijbehorende aansprakelijkheidsrisico’s die voortvloeien uit de uitspraken van het Internationaal Gerechtshof (International Court of Justice, ICJ) in Zuid-Afrika v. Israël (26 januari, 28 maart, 24 mei 2024) en het advies van 19 juli 2024 over de bezette Palestijnse gebieden.
Deze uitspraken stellen vast (i) dat er een reëel en onmiddellijk risico bestaat op onherstelbare schade aan de rechten die door het Genocideverdrag worden beschermd, en (ii) dat Israëls voortdurende aanwezigheid in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden onrechtmatig is. Dit schept voor alle staten — inclusief Nederland — een dwingende plicht tot niet-erkenning en niet-assistentie.
Als bewindspersoon of Kamerlid met bevoegdheden onder Nederlands en EU-recht, heeft u de capaciteit om uitkomsten te beïnvloeden en daarom de plicht om te voorkomen. Het Gerechtshof Den Haag (12 feb 2024) heeft al geoordeeld dat Nederland de uitvoer van F-35-onderdelen naar Israël moet staken vanwege het duidelijke risico dat deze worden ingezet bij ernstige schendingen van het internationaal humanitair recht. Die gerechtelijke uitspraak operationaliseert de toetsingscriteria van het Wapenhandelsverdrag (ATT) en het Europees Gemeenschappelijk Standpunt waaraan u gebonden bent bij export- en handelsbeleid.*
Op 4 augustus 2025 heeft de Commissie van advies inzake volkenrechtelijke vraagstukken (CAVV)** Adviesrapport nr. 50 uitgebracht over de verplichting van derde staten om genocide te voorkomen. Het bevestigt dat iedere verdragsstaat van het Genocideverdrag een individuele verplichting heeft om genocide te voorkomen wanneer er een ernstig risico bestaat, en dat een derde staat moet optreden, zelfs als zij op zichzelf niet volledig in staat is genocide te voorkomen — de maatstaf hangt af van de redelijk beschikbare middelen en de capaciteit van de staat om invloed uit te oefenen.
Daarom eisen wij dat u per direct:
1. Een volledig Nederlands wapen- en militair embargo oplegt aan Israël en deze handhaaft voor zover maximaal is toegestaan onder nationaal en EU-recht (inclusief weigering, opschorting en intrekking van vergunningen; wapens, training en dual-use technologie; proactieve controles op eindgebruik; blokkeren van omleidingen, en iedere vorm van militaire samenwerking) conform de Sanctiewet 1977, ATT en in lijn met de uitspraken van het ICJ over de verplichtingen van staten onder het internationaal humanitair recht.
2. Direct financiële sancties (DNB/AFM, Douane) oplegt om de tegoeden te bevriezen van betrokken personen, entiteiten en organen, en om de doorvoer/overdracht van gelden of goederen die een reëel risico op betrokkenheid bij ernstige schendingen van het internationaal recht, zoals oorlogsmisdrijven of genocide, met zich meebrengen te voorkomen, en om overtredingen te vervolgen. Dit omvat het handhaven van de zorgplicht van bedrijven op grond van de UN Guiding Principles en de Nederlandse wetgeving, om te voorkomen dat hier gevestigde ondernemingen bijdragen aan schendingen.
3. Nederlandse publieke samenwerking en financiering (onderzoek, cultureel en onderwijs) met Israëlische staatsorganen en instellingen die activiteiten uitvoeren in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden opschort, totdat verifieerbare naleving van het internationaal recht is aangetoond. (NB: Het voorstel van de Europese Commissie (29 juli 2025) om Israëls deelname aan Horizon Europe gedeeltelijk op te schorten toont dat een dergelijke maatregel uitvoerbaar is.)
4. Moties in de Tweede Kamer indient en uitvoert die het demissionaire kabinet verplichten om bovenstaande direct uit te voeren, en maandelijks aan de Tweede Kamer te rapporteren over het naleven van de uitspraken van het ICJ.
Onderneemt u na deze kennisgeving niets, dan loopt Nederland niet alleen het risico van staatsrechtelijke aansprakelijkheid (ARSIWA*** Art. 16). Ook loopt u dan persoonlijk risico op mogelijke strafrechtelijke vervolging wegens medeplichtigheid aan ernstige mensenrechtenschendingen of genocide op grond van de Wet Internationale Misdrijven (International Crimes Act). Er bestaat geen verjaring voor genocide of oorlogsmisdaden: aansprakelijkheid kan decennia later nog worden nagegaan, ongeacht of de daders nog in functie zijn. Politieke immuniteit biedt evenmin bescherming — artikel 27 van het Statuut van Rome maakt duidelijk dat zelfs staatshoofden of regeringsfunctionarissen persoonlijk strafrechtelijk aansprakelijk kunnen worden gesteld.
Dit is geen kwestie van politieke voorkeur maar van naleving van wetten. Zoals het ICJ benadrukte in de zaak Bosnië en Herzegovina v. Servië, wordt de plicht te voorkomen gemeten middels middelen en invloed, en hangt het niet af van de zekerheid van succes. Zoals het proces van Neurenberg liet zien: “Ik volgde slechts orders” is geen verweer.
We verzoeken u om een schriftelijke reactie binnen 14 dagen met een gedetailleerde opsomming van de maatregelen die u heeft genomen en zal nemen onder uw desbetreffende mandaten, zoals opgesomd in de Bijlage.
Hoogachtend,
[Je naam]
[Stad], Nederland
————————
* De Nederlandse Staat ging tegen dit arrest in cassatie; de Hoge Raad moet daarover nog besluiten. De uitspraak van het Gerechtshof Den Haag onderstreept echter dat de plicht om medeverantwoordelijkheid te voorkomen niet theoretisch is, maar direct van toepassing.
** ARSIWA: Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts
Bijlage
• Belangrijke juridische bronnen (uitspraken van het ICJ, advies van de CAVV, arrest van het Gerechtshof Den Haag, ARSIWA, Wapenhandelsverdrag, EU Gemeenschappelijk Standpunt, etc.): https://docs.google.com/document/d/17S3t5ZSsA40bL2TOWn6OoAI5hjwzbyRO1M6xhyesnHE/edit?tab=t.0
• Aangesproken functionarissen (namen, functies, contactgegevens): https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1fK2jb3nNvTLRTQQJg9LIB10m0d8OwSVfxwACf5b9WxM/edit
Step 3 — Personalize & Send
Stap 3 — Personaliseer & Verstuur
Add your details: Replace [Your name] and [City] with your real name and city (remove brackets).
(Optional) One personal line: You can add one sentence about why this matters to you (keep it respectful and brief).
Sending tip: Use BCC for the large list to avoid reply-all storms. One official address can go in To, the rest in BCC.
Final check: Subject is pre-set; paste in the body you copied from Step 2 (EN or NL).
Vul je gegevens in: Vervang [Je naam] en [Stad] door je echte naam en woonplaats (zonder haakjes).
(Optioneel) Eén persoonlijke zin: Voeg één korte, respectvolle zin toe over waarom dit je raakt.
Verstuur-tip: Gebruik BCC voor de grote adressenlijst om reply-all te voorkomen. Zet één officieel adres in Aan en de rest in BCC.
Laatste check: Onderwerpregel staat klaar; plak de e-mailtekst die je bij Stap 2 hebt gekopieerd (NL of EN).
Share why you care — mention your personal connection, values, or concerns.
Highlight the urgency — reference the international legal duty to prevent genocide.
Add your city and/or profession (“I write as a teacher/healthcare worker/entrepreneurin…”).
Include one or more powerful sentences in your own words about why this matters.
⚡Pro Tip: In addition to emailing officials directly, you can also flood the government’s official contact form here.
Both their inboxes and forms count — let’s make sure they can’t look away.
Officials’ complicity
Each person on the list holds real levers that can stop harm. With that power comes responsibility.
When officials know there is a serious risk of grave violations and fail to act, they risk becoming complicit.
Prime Minister
Sets the cabinet line and can order an immediate policy shift (sanctions stance, suspending cooperation, emergency reviews).
Foreign Affairs
Leads NL/EU sanctions policy; can propose listings, vote for restrictive measures, and issue diplomatic démarches.
Foreign Trade / CDIU
Grants, suspends, or refuses export and transit licences (incl. military/dual-use). They can stop risky deals.
Defence
Can halt supplies, training, joint programmes, and transit linked to defence items.
Finance/Customs
Executes sanctions at borders; can seize or block consignments and tighten monitoring at airports/ports.
Justice & Security
Can open criminal/administrative investigations into complicity under Dutch law.
Economic Affairs
Steers high-risk sectors and corporate due-diligence enforcement; can issue binding guidance.
Special Envoy for Sanctions & Private Sector (MFA)
PPP sanctions compliance; coordination/advice; can galvanise sectors to close circumvention gaps.
Education, Culture & Science
Can suspend state-funded partnerships with implicated institutions.
Parliamentary committee chairs/MPs
Set hearings, table motions, and demand oversight.
What the law expects?
The legal duty to act
Duty of prevention
The Netherlands has a duty to prevent genocide wherever there’s a serious risk — action is required, not optional (as the government’s own advisory council recently underscored).
States must act when there is a serious risk of genocide, not after it has happened.
Sanctions enforcement
Export-control, sanctions, and due-diligence rules bar authorising transfers likely to contribute to serious violations. Customs and finance authorities must implement and monitor restrictive measures effectively.
Parliamentary oversight
MPs have a responsibility to hold the executive power to account when risks are flagged.
Accountability under law
Failure to use available powers can amount to complicity under Dutch and international law.
Non-assistance principle
Providing means or allowing transit despite clear risks can amount to aiding and abetting. Failing to use available powers can breach duties of care and oversight. Governments may not aid, abet, or allow activities that enable grave breaches.
What acting looks like today?
Suspend/deny risky licences; block or seize consignments; freeze cooperation agreements; instruct ports/airports to stop transit; initiate investigations; push EU measures; convene urgent hearings; issue precautionary guidance to companies.
Your questions answered
The Netherlands is bound by the Genocide Convention, EU sanctions law, and its own export-control system. Dutch officials have the power today to suspend licences, block transfers, and push EU action.
Further, the Netherlands plays an outsized role in supporting Israel – economically, financially, and institutionally. The Netherlands is the largest single investor in Israel worldwide, accounting for nearly two-thirds of EU investments into the country.
These numbers show the Netherlands isn’t a passive bystander—it’s a major economic gateway for Israel. That means Dutch regulatory and policy decisions—whether about exports, investments, or trade agreements—can have real-world impact. If Dutch authorities withhold or suspend support, it would influence both Israel’s economy of genocide and broader EU stance.
Yes. MPs and ministries track correspondence volume. A flood of emails signals broad public concern, influences debate priorities, and adds weight to calls for action.
Yes. Constituents and residents have the right to contact elected representatives and ministries. This campaign provides publicly available addresses, and encourages respectful, lawful communication.
We only use your email address to send your message. We do not store or share your personal information with any third parties.
No — as long as your message is lawful, non-abusive, and non-threatening. Expressing political opinions and urging compliance with international law is a protected right.
Personalising is better. Adding your own words (why you care, your profession or city, your key demand) makes it harder for officials to dismiss your message as a “form email.”
Your email will be sent directly to the chosen official(s). We do not have access to or control over their response.
Because duplication increases pressure. Emails go directly into officials’ inboxes; the official form goes into a monitored government system. Using both ensures your message is seen.
Because pressure across all parties matters. Even MPs that are already supportive of Palestine need to show visible action, and receiving many messages strengthens their hand in parliamentary debates and motions.
That’s fine. We provide text and legal backing that you can read through and familiarize yourself with. There are also available sources for further reading.
That’s normal. What matters is volume and visibility. Officials can’t ignore a flood of emails, and media and parliamentary allies can help increase the pressure.
Download campaign posters
Help us amplify the campaign: our posters are available for free download in A2, A3 and Abri.
If you’d like printed copies, just reach out via jose@docp.nl and we’ll arrange them for you.
This action is coordinated by BDS Nederland, part of the global Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.
Our work focuses on building pressure through boycotts, divestment, and sanctions. We believe that sustained and growing pressure is the most effective way to end Dutch and international complicity in Israel’s system of oppression.
The Netherlands plays a key role as Israel’s largest EU trade and investment partner. That makes Dutch officials directly responsible under international law — from the Genocide Convention to EU sanctions and arms export rules. By demanding accountability here, we strengthen global efforts to isolate Israel until it complies with international law.
This campaign equips people with practical tools — posters, email drafts, and an officials’ list with their responsibilities — to apply pressure where it matters most. Every message and every action adds to the collective power that can push for freedom, justice, and equality for Palestinians.
Contact us
If you have any questions, send us an email or fill the contact form below.